Wednesday, July 28, 2010

Social Justice: Theories, Issues, and Movements, Chapter 5: Toward Transformative Justice - Definition




In our book, Social Justice: Theories, Issues and Movements - the authors state that transformative justice theorists seek not only to respond to the immediacy of the conflict, or harm but also try to place it in a broader framework that addresses structural issues (Capeheart, Milovanovic, 2007, p. 61).
From the beginning of the chapter, the authors begin defining transformative justice by first defining restorative justice. Restorative justice basically restores relations to the previous state. The authors use the reaction to Hurricane Katrina which devastated the southern states and in particular New Orleans in 2005, as an example. In the aftermath of a hurricane, restoration usually occurs at the personal or individual level: lost goods, housing by insurance, governmental and charity organizational assistance is replaced and/or restored. For those who have documented their goods, had the financial wherewithal to home insurance - basically the upper to middle classes - fared moderately well. However, as most of us know, the poor and underrepresented (among them African Americans and other non-whites) were not as fortunate. Furthermore, the failed levy system compounded restoration to these individuals. To restore the levy system back to the way it was would be criminal. It didn't work in the first place, therefore it would be a far cry from justice. To ensure trust, health and safety to its citizens, the levy system needs not only to be restored, but transformed. In fact, the whole recovery effort requires the transformation of a system that neglected its infrastructure at the great expense of citizens, especially the poor, to a system that places human need and safety at the center of its decisions. This transformation would require the rejection of all racist notions that may be or are infused in the structure that allowed such harm to occur (Capeheart, Milovanovic, 2007).

Tuesday, July 27, 2010

Transformative Justice - History and Theory

Although, Ruth Morris (1994) is known for perhaps coining the term, Sullivan and Tifft (2001) may have the clearest expression. They note that restorative justice is too restricted and instead argue for a more holistic approach to include personal, community, and structural components in our dealing with harm - their emphasis is on a transformative justice that is still restorative but seeks to affect social-structural, institutional arrangement while still helping those whose lives have been affected by interpersonal conflict. They are concerned with healing and transforming social institutions - school, family, work place, community - in short a needs based approach to harm.



In talking about possible response to harms, Donald Black outlined four styles of societal response. These styles operate at the individual level and community level. The penal style and compensatory are seen as accusatory styles - a zero sum game (all or nothing) as to responsibility and punishment/payment; both have a winner or a loser. The therapeutic and conciliatory styles are seen as remedial styles. They are methods of social repair and maintenance, assistance for people in trouble. So, it is not a winner vs. loser view. Rather the view seeks to better a bad situation.














View p. 67-69, hand out Figure 5.1 Holistic Model of Human Being, Structure and Coproduction)



The reformist remedial style attributes societal pathology to structural sources, but there is optimism that they can be re engineered by various adjustment of the core institutions, resulting in less harm. In short, in responding to harm (a harm being done) - how can we sensitively consider the totality of circumstance within which it is committed. Christine Parker suggests mid-level intervention - one between community and structure. Her view to means-oriented rather than ends-oriented. Her view deals with allowing access and the opportunity to make a claim, and to be listened to in a meaningful way. She argues that since the mid 1980s, legal disputes are more centered in schools, work places, families, government and community organizations where many power inequalities exist. So, she proposes to develop access to justice plans that should be incorporated in all large organizations and that these organizations should be monitored and held accountable for their actions. (p.72)

Monday, July 26, 2010

Transformative Justice and How It Can Be Applied


Justice in a transformative model acknowledges the interplay of three levels in both distributive and retributive forms. As mentioned in the very fist blog, these are the individual (human being), the community, and the structure.
In responding to harm, the totality of the circumstances must be considered. For instance, in the traditional criminal justice system the individual committing the crime is alone at fault. Whereas in transformative justice, one must also consider the role of the community and structural designs.

Sunday, July 25, 2010

Transformative Media Justice - Democracy Now - Amy Goodman interview with Adrian Maree Brown




This clip is based on an interview by Amy Goodman with Adrian Maree Brown on Ruckus Society on Media Justice (Aug. 2008) Brown's response is basically the idea that media justice is when people can take media into their own hands, everyone has access to communicating their message and access to communicating their stories and hearing their stories. For us, alot of it is about not just being ina place of information, right, which is wonderful - we want to have as much information as possible - but for those of us who are in a disenfranchised or disempowered communities, it's about transformative media, beinig able to actually send messages in a way that changes the way people percieve stuff and helps to empower our communities. Ther term was coined five years ago at the Highlander Center in Tennessee.

Saturday, July 24, 2010

Transformative Justice in Action


Transformative Justice UP CLOSE & PERSONAL


A few years back, I had my very personal experience with this issue. One of my children was interrogated during school hours at school. Two detectives and two security guards questioned my child in a little office at school. Neither my husband nor I were notified until after the fact. We are law abiding citizens in our family and have never had an altercation with the police or interaction with the law. Furthermore, my husband and I were not raised in this country, therefore were not familiar with Washington State's law on child interrogation. During this time period, I lost my naivity about my believe that as long as I raise my children well and teach them right from wrong, nothing bad will ever happen to them. I learned the hard way, that in Washington State children as young as 12 years old can be interrogetad without their parent's presence. Never mind that parents have to sign a permission slip for every school field trip or to have sun lotion apllied to their children. After this incident which by the way ended well, I made it a point to tell my family and friends about this, to educate them about their rights. Some Tips: Make sure to know the laws in your particular state. For example, in Washington State, children 12 years and older can be questioned and interrogated by law enforcement without their parent's permission or knowledge. Anything a juvenile says to law enforcement (post Miranda) can be used against them in court. Juveniles, like adults, have the right to have counsel present if they are being questioned. It is best not to give a statement to law enforcement without legal counsel, even if juvenile knows taht she or he is innocent.

Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs (1954)


The needs of individuals within society cannot be ignored. Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs (1954) still resonate with us today. When basic needs are not provided or denied, then individuals, groups, and whole communities may loose hope or a sense of conviction that they live in a just society. If one does not percieve to have an equal chance in what life has to offer why would they invest in the status quo of that society.
Transformative justice is a healing process of individuals and communities. It is the transformation of the individual, the community, and structure. It goes beyond restoring justice to what was, but to why, and to find resolutions to what can be done on a more structural level in the future- so that the injustice is not repeated again.

Friday, July 23, 2010

From Retributive Crime Control Juctice to Transformative Justice - Film in the Courtroom

http://www.pbs.org/pov/presumedguilty/ (trailer)
http://www.pbs.org/pov/presumedguilty/video_interview.php (interview)
In Mexico, those arrested are, in practice, considered guilty until proven innocent — with predictable results. The great majority of the accused never see a judge or even an arrest warrant. The conviction rate in Mexico City of those who do go to court is an incredible 95%, but 92% of verdicts lack scientific evidence. The road from arrest to prison proceeds behind closed doors via reams of paperwork that may have more to do with bureaucratic needs than actual events.
Antonio Zúñiga was a 26-year-old street vendor and aspiring dancer/rapper on Dec. 12, 2005, when police grabbed him off a Mexico City street and shoved him into a police car. For 48 hours he was kept in a holding cell at a stationhouse and held incommunicado without being told the charges against him. His repeated questions elicited only the accusation “You know what you did.” Zúñiga learned of the charges only when another detainee asked him, “Are you the guy accused of murder?”
Accused of shooting and killing a young man named Juan Reyes, Zúñiga went to a closed-door trial knowing that no physical evidence linked him to the crime and that several witnesses would testify that he had been at his market stall at the time of the murder. He had no link to the victim, no motive and no criminal history. The judge, Hector Palomares, found Zúñiga guilty and sentenced him to 20 years behind bars.
A young man’s sudden abduction off the streets of the capital is not unheard of in Mexico. Under intense pressure to solve rising crime, especially by drug gangs, police are sometimes suspected of grabbing and charging the first hapless person they come upon, often a poor person without resources for a defense. Once someone is arrested, everyone in the system, from police to prosecutor to judge to even the court-provided defense attorney, has every motivation to keep the defendant in jail.
The same year Zúñiga was arrested, Hernández and Negrete completed their first courtroom documentary, “El Túnel” (“The Tunnel”), a damning short that stirred debate about reforming Mexico’s constitution to include presumption of innocence. “El Túnel” featured the case of Marco, a young man convicted of stealing a car even though the victim told detectives, prosecutors and judges that the detainee was not the culprit. Marco’s release led Hernández and Negrete to launch Lawyers with Cameras, their crusade to open the Mexican legal process to public scrutiny. It also brought a flood of requests for help, including a plea on behalf of the determined and eloquent Zúñiga, whose case rested on a single eyewitness. But by the time Hernández and Negrete were contacted, Zúñiga had lost his appeal and seemed doomed to spend 20 years in prison.
Hernández and Negrete spent months filming in Iztapalapa, the neighborhood where Zúñiga lived, to verify his alibi. Given the difficulty of documenting cases of wrongful conviction in Mexico and the scarcity of journalistic work about such cases, the couple hoped to create a collection of researched cases, including Zúñiga’s story, that would then be handed over to journalists. But things took an unexpected turn when, almost a year later, Hernández and Negrete made an unexpected discovery at a Berkeley, Calif., law library. Their hunch that Zúñiga’s private defense lawyer had a forged license turned out to be true. That meant that he had not been able to represent Zúñiga legally and that they could apply for a retrial.
A Mexico City appellate court voted unanimously to order a retrial. And another unlikely occurrence ensued: Hernández and Negrete obtained permission to film the new proceedings. In Mexico, a retrial does not mean that defendants get a fresh start, or a new jury. In fact, in the Mexican system there is no jury. So the same judge who had already convicted Zúñiga would retry him. Fortunately, this time around Hernández and Negrete enlisted a savvy defense attorney named Rafael Heredia — and cameras would be rolling.
Zúñiga’s retrial, which lasted from November 2007 to February 2008, is the heart of Presumed Guilty. To many Americans, the courtroom scene will look unfamiliar, low-tech and surprisingly “in your face.” Calm and determined, Zúñiga stands behind bars to present lawyer Heredia’s work during the hearings. But soon he has to undertake a role he never imagined. Due to technicalities, his attorney is not allowed to ask even basic yes-or-no questions of any of the witnesses for the prosecution. In fact, the detectives can simply answer, “I do not remember,” and stand by their police reports. The lead detective reasons that if his agents arrested Zúñiga and he is behind bars, Zúñiga must be guilty.
Zúñiga is also forced to cross-examine the original suspect and lone eyewitness accuser, Victor Daniel Reyes, a member of a gang allegedly involved in the shooting and the victim’s cousin. As the two stand almost nose-to-nose, Reyes sticks to his story. Then Zúñiga asks Reyes whether he knows that Zúñiga tested negative for gunpowder, as did Reyes. Matching Zúñiga’s slow and deliberate pacing (for the benefit of the court typist), Reyes drops a bombshell: “I did not know that they did the same test that you now mention. And it is true I did not see who fired the gun.”
During the closing statements, the prosecutor decides not to make any arguments, but instead to submit them on a floppy computer disc. The judge agrees to this. In a stunning exchange with the prosecutor, Zúñiga asks her to explain, in everyday language, her grounds for accusing him. The answer would be laughable if it weren’t so tragic. “Why do I accuse him?” she says with a wan smile. “Because it’s my job.”
No matter how obvious the injustice of Zúñiga’s conviction, the new verdict, rendered by Judge Palomares on Feb. 25, 2008, came back the same as the original one — guilty. Astoundingly, the transcripts from the retrial simply restated the original trial’s judgment, dismissing any exonerating evidence. Furthermore, only what the judge had dictated had been incorporated into the court’s record. But there was another, incontrovertible record of the retrial — Hernández and Negrete’s video footage.
Ultimately, the video record convinced an appeals panel to free Zúñiga in April 2008 after 842 days in jail. In September 2008, award-winning director Geoffrey Smith (The English Surgeon, POV 2009) was asked to re-cut the film with Hernandez.
Festival screenings of Presumed Guilty (Presunto Culpable in Spanish) have elicited tears and standing ovations. Mexicans, who are aware of the dysfunction of their system, were still shocked by the picture of the bald corruption, ineptitude and absurdity that pass for a trial in Mexico. The film will have its theatrical release in Mexico this fall.
Presumed Guilty is a seat-of-your-pants telling of one miscarriage of justice and what it took to fix it, and a startling challenge to the system that produced it. It is also a cautionary tale about what can happen when police cross the line in the name of fighting crime, when power is exercised in the shadows and when the presumption of guilt is placed on the accused rather than the accuser.
“This film also demonstrates that people can defeat overwhelming odds when they trust and support each other,” says director Hernández. “Antonio had the courage to trust two young and relatively privileged Mexicans with his fate. And in turn, the filmmaking process brought an unexpected meaning to his ordeal: the promise that everyone could see this farcical legal system for what it is.”
Though gratified by the film’s role in freeing Zúñiga, Hernández notes, “It’s an expensive way to fix injustice in Mexico. Our hope is to pass a law requiring every interrogation and every criminal trial in Mexico to be videotaped.”
Producer Negrete adds, “So many Mexicans believe that we have an American courtroom — that we will have the prosecutor, the defense, the judge and the trial. They believe that! Because they have never been in contact with a trial.”
“This is a David and Goliath story of two people who took on a system,” says co-director Smith. “It’s beautiful and so heartfelt. At screenings, you can see the righteous indignation. People are angry, but they also want to channel that anger and do something about it.”

Thursday, July 22, 2010

From Retributive to Transformative - Haiti - Rape in the Camps: Lacking Security, Women Organize to Protect Themselves






AMY GOODMAN: Lost in all this coverage of the Haiti earthquake is how people on the ground are organizing in the face of adversity. Rape and violence against women and girls has become increasingly widespread in these tent camps of thousands and tens of thousands of people. While Haitian police and UN forces have done little, women on the ground are organizing to protect themselves. We spoke with Malia Villard Appolon, the coordinator of KOFAVIV, the commission of women victims for victims.


AMY GOODMAN: What is it like in the Champ de Mars camp, in the refugee camp?


MALIA VILLARD APPOLON: [translated] That’s a camp which has a lot of difficulties in it. The government doesn’t take any measures to provide security there. That’s why we saw a lot of problems of security there, because there’s no police presence. It’s us, as civilians in the camp, who took the initiative to put in place a committee of protection to protect the women against the sexual violence they were under, experiencing.


AMY GOODMAN: What about the number of rapes in the camp?


MALIA VILLARD APPOLON: [translated] In the case of Champ de Mars only, there were twenty-two cases of rape.


AMY GOODMAN: When? From when to when?


MALIA VILLARD APPOLON: [translated] From the 12th of January until today. So, we left Champ de Mars since the beginning of July. There was people, escaped convicts, who were giving us trouble after I came back from a conference in Geneva, who pulled guns on us to make us give them money, and they also carried out many cases of rape. We had to leave that camp. And now we are here in the office of the international lawyers that we live, until we can move to find a house for us to live in.


AMY GOODMAN: So you’re living in the offices of your lawyers?


MALIA VILLARD APPOLON: [translated] Yes, I live in the office of my lawyer, while I wait.


AMY GOODMAN: So, tell us how women can protect themselves.


MALIA VILLARD APPOLON: [translated] There really is no protection today. What we do only, we can say, so many women we saw being victims, there was only the bureau of international lawyers who took the initiative to put in place a system of whistles, which they gave to KOFAVIV. And the KOFAVIV gave these whistles to the women in the camp in Champ de Mars, and not only in the Champ de Mars, but all the other camps where our community agents are. And there was a little information that had been given even before these little whistles were given. The action call is for when you hear a whistle, everybody knows the sound, and after—and you hear the whistle, everybody comes to their aid, to where it’s whistled. This is even if somebody is armed, they’ll run away. And with the committees we formed with some of the men who were conscious of this problem, they offered to not sleep at night so that they could provide civilian protection for women at night. And we don’t do that just in the Champ de Mars camp, but in other camps, as well. And Sainte Anne’s is one example. They also have a committee formed for that. We have to do that, because we have no government, basically. It doesn’t have any responsibility to anybody. Maybe for the people who voted to put it in power and also the police. Even here in the office of international lawyers, we brought a lot of cases, but until now, they haven’t apprehended any of these people who are in fact escaped convicts. The police are supposed to be there to serve and protect. And when I brought them for a warrant, they said I had to accompany them, for me to go look for this escaped convict who pulled a gun on me in the camp. That means the government has no responsibility. So it means the people have to give themselves security. And this is after a lot of violence. Because if I had partisans who would come there, they would have killed them, too. And this country, this is where human rights are not respected, and that’s why the situation is like that. The criminals know that whatever they do, there’s no justice system which will judge them and pursue them.


AMY GOODMAN: Can you blow the whistle for me, show us how it works?


MALIA VILLARD APPOLON: [whistles] C’est comme ça. [translated] And that means you can blow this whistle, and everybody knows it. This is our call to action.

Tuesday, July 20, 2010

Transformative Justice - Imagine - What it would sound like.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aIFY9h8DImg









http://http//www.youtube.com/watch?v=okd3hLlvvLw&feature=related

Imagine there's no countries
it isn't hard to do
Nothing to kill or die for
And no religion, too

Imagine all the people
Living life in peace

You, you may say I'm a dreamer
But I'm not the only one
I hope someday you will join us
And the world will be as one

Imagine no possessions
I wonder if you can
No need for greed or hunger
A brotherhood of man

Imaine all the people
Sharing all the world

You, you may say I'm a dreamer
But I'm not the only one
I hope someday you will join us
And the world will live as one

Thursday, July 15, 2010

REFERENCES:

Black, Donald. (1976). The Behavior of Law. New York: Academic Press.

Capeheart, Loretta, and Milovanovic, Dragon. (2007). Social Justice Theories, Issues, and Movements. New Brunswick, New Jersey, and London: Rutgers University Press.

Maslow, Abraham. (1954). Motivation and Personality. New York: Harper.

Morris, R. (1994). A Practical Path to Transformative Justice. Toronto: Rittenhouse.

Sullivan, Dennis, and Larry Tifft. (1980). The Mask of Love. Port Washington, NY: Kenniat Press
Corp.

http://www.democracynow.org/2008/6/6/adrienne_maree_brown_of_the_ruckus;
http://www.democracynow.org/tags/haiti_earthquake
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4MSIYszUrVg
http://www.pbs.org/pov/presumedguilty/interview.php
http://www.democracynow.org/2008/6/6/adrienne_maree_brown_of_the_ruckus;
http://www.democracynow.org/tags/haiti_earthquake
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4MSIYszUrVg
http://www.pbs.org/pov/presumedguilty/interview.php